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EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW: Deputy Head of Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt Mohamed Habib

Joseph Mayton - 6/6/2007

As rumors of a split within the Muslim Brotherhood came to light in local Egyptian press, Global Politician's Joseph Mayton sat down with a leading deputy of the group, Dr. Mohamed Habib, to discuss the so-called turmoil in the group as well as other pertinent issues facing the group.

Global Politician: Can you comment on the recent news that there is a split in the Muslim Brotherhood?

Dr. Mohamed Habib: I was in prison with Ali [Abdel Hafez] for 15 months in one cell before. This talk about the “alternative movement” is not correct.

GP: So you have read the book by Professor Hafez ["The Alternative Movement"]?

Habib: I saw the text [of the book] before it was printed two years ago. And it has good ideas and other ideas that need some discussion due to the severe lack of information that Ali has. This is because he is on the edges of the group and far from how the group is run or what it’s vision is and how discussion is accomplished and how decisions are taken in the Brotherhood.

GP: Did you criticize his text when you saw it or make any comments?

Habib: I didn’t refuse the text two years ago, I only asked for a chance to look through it and I think I got busy, but it is not in my nature to refuse ideas. I like discussion, especially when it comes to the group.

GP: What about the points he brings up in the book and in his comments about the MB?

Habib: Those ideas are talked about now among intellectuals in Egypt, which call for the separation of politics and religion. This came from ignorance of the nature of Islam.

Islam is a whole system. It is a complete system that consists of politics, literature, economics, etc. Hassan Al Banna said “if Islam is not politics, culture, economics and a social system, then tell me, what is Islam?” Therefore, you have to accept it as a whole. There is no such thing as political work separated from religion or else we become like those who are different.

Poltics then becomes dirty work that would include corruption and the pursuit of power by any means. Our case is not like that. Our case is that we work on the people to change their mentality, their behavior and attitude. Therefore, if we can change society, then we can peacefully pressure the regime to comply to the demands of the people to give them rights.

GP: Then, the MB wants to use the people as a means of gaining power?

Habib: We don’t care about coming into power. We care about the people, concerning their behavior and morals and through the law and constitution, the Muslim Brotherhood is able to make changes to the political and economic system.

GP: So the movement exists?

Habib: There is no alternative movement. There is only one person and he is outside the group. If he has a vision, that is all right and it can be applied from outside the group.

GP: Did he try to convince others to join his movement?

Habib: Let’s assume a person or two joined him.

GP: Do you think the government is involved?

Habib: No, I don’t think so, but I think the disinformation of the Egyptian political scene makes some acts wrongly. They [the government] say politics must be practiced through parties, but we say that caring about society is an individual thing and can be done by anyone. Thus, a politician doesn’t have to work in a party.

GP: Then the MB is not interested in reforming?

Habib: No, we will discuss this later on, but I want to confirm the disfiguration of the political scene in Egypt and limiting politics to parties and putting harsh restrictions on starting a party pushes some young men to separate politics from religion and this hurts both politics and religion. Therefore, along with other parties, we are keen on creating public freedom like the freedom to start a party, the freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to demonstrate, etc.

Any group who wants to start a part we ask “why not?” For example, in Israel, the Kadima party was formed in half an hour. It didn’t need a committee or hearings. We want public freedom.

GP: Would you then accept a Coptic party?

Habib: The problem is Copts don’t have laws. They have a religion, but they don’t have a political system nor an economic or political system or even a social one, therefore they need another route. That is why we can’t imagine a Coptic party. When we say an Islamic party we mean a civil party within an Islamic background. A civil party meaning accepting democracy, which is based on political diversity and peaceful transition of authority. People have the right to choose their representatives and the party’s program that expresses his ambitions and wishes.

GP: Can you comment further on what you mean by Islamic party?

Habib: When we say an Islamic party we stress that it will represent the institutions of the country and there is no discrimination between citizens, whether they are Christian or Muslim. All are equal under the law.

GP: What is the secret to the group’s popularity in Egypt?

Habib: It comes from a long history. Since the 1920s we have been preaching Islam and changing behaviors of the people. The work the group did in Palestine against Zionist gangs and in Egypt by the canal against the English occupation showed thousands of victims that we care about freedom and democracy. All these sacrifices left a mark on people.

GP: Do you see the government stop its crackdown on the group?

Habib: It will remain as long as there is no democracy, no political diversity, no transition of power peacefully, no public freedom and as long as corruption exists. All this shows we live in a state of political dead ends, oppression and dictatorialism. It is hard for the people to deal with it if there is no peaceful public pressure on the government to respond to the people.

GP: In that light, can you comment on why the group is misunderstood in the West?

Habib: The regime in Egypt tries to deform our image, calling us banned and outlaws and all the bad treatment gives an idea that we are in fact outlaws.

The Western administrations and their support for dictators in the region is a major reason. They agree with the points of views of the governments here. Centers in Egypt and the west know a lot of details about Al Qaeda, but they don’t know much about the group as a moderate Islamic movement.

And it might be that we have and will do ourselves wrong if we don’t communicate with the west, which will give a true impression about us.

GP: If you came to power, many are concerned about new laws that would come into place, such as citizenship issues, women, alcohol, etc. What do you say to this?

Habib: First, we don’t care about coming into power. We only care about public freedom, the ending of the emergency laws and military courts. We care about the independence of the judiciary. We care about just elections. We want to create public opinion capable of regaining it’s rights.

As for women, we say honestly that women have the same rights and demands as men and she has the right to vote and be a nominee just like anyone else. We look at them as first degree citizens who have the same rights and duties. They are partners in the country.

GP: Last, can you comment on your relationship with Hamas?

Habib: We don’t have an organic relationship with any group outside the country. But the relationship we do have is entirely advisory, but we consider them the only decision makers for themselves. They might consult us and we might give advise, but they know better about their own state.

GP: Thank you for your time, Dr. Habib.

Habib: Thank you.

John Mayton is a graduate of Macalester College with a degree in International Studies and an emphasis on Human Rights. He's a freelance reporter based in Cairo, Egypt and Washington, DC. His primary focus in recent years has been on human rights and non-violence.

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