Home >> South Asia >> India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal Email Print Bhutto Party Dilemma Muhammad Shafiq - 3/16/2008 LAHORE, PAKISTAN. Though hopes of a bright future of Pakistan are very high after unexpected results in the February 18 general elections, it is the toughest test of democratic forces and politicians that would not only determine the future of democracy but also of the country, which has been under covert or overt military rule since its inception in 1947.
The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) of the late Benazir Bhutto is torn between pressing domestic needs and the rising US pressure to maintain the status quo and enforce its agenda, especially the so-called war on terrorism, which has made inroads even into Lahore, the heart of the biggest and most peaceful province of Pakistan, the Punjab. The party is under huge pressure due to high expectations from the public vis-Ã -vis basic rights, which have been denied to the people of Pakistan under a quasi-colonial system for the last 60 years, and a pro-US establishment which wants to maintain the status quo and continue to subjugate the country, leaving no space for the people of Pakistan and democracy.
The PPP not only faces external pressure but also some internal hiccups for the nomination of a suitable candidate for the office of prime minister. The new government will not only have to clear the mess created by dictatorship for the last nine years but also pave the way for real democracy and a struggle for the rights of the people. The party is cautious about making decisions on the appointment of a prime minister, reconciliation and power sharing with the Pakistan Muslim League-N of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and the left-wing Awami National Party (ANP), based in the NWFP, where the war on terror rages. The appointment of PPP Vice-Chairman Amin Fahim, named by Benazir Bhutto as the next prime minister of Pakistan, is a tough job for the party as it has many reservations against him. His links in the establishment, especially his cordial relations with President Pervez Musharraf, raise many eyebrows in the party. He was acceptable to President Pervez Musharraf as prime minister even after the 2002 polls, when the PPP had emerged as the largest party in a massively rigged poll, like the recent election, while Benazir Bhutto lived in exile and was a subject of ridicule and criticism by Pervez Musharraf. Mr Fahim was even granted the protocol of prime minister, but the late Benazir Bhutto did not accept the offer and Mr Musharraf had to install Zafarullah Jamali, a candidate of his Pakistan Muslim League-Q, as prime minister of Pakistan.
Another incident which cast maligned the image of Mr Fahim in the PPP was Mr Ahsan Bhoon, a close relative of Mr Fahim and former president of the Lahore High Court Bar Association, who accepted a government offer to become a judge of the Lahore High Court, dealing a sewer blow to the lawyers' movement for the release and reinstatement of 60 judges, including deposed Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, who were removed and arrested through a so-called Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO), promulgated by General Musharraf on November 3, as the Supreme Court of Pakistan was about to declare his appointment as president of Pakistan in military uniform illegal.
The PPP is also weighing its options for the appointment of PM from the biggest and most populous province, ‑ the Punjab – which has more than half seats in the National Assembly. The three Punjab leaders in the run for the PM slot include Yousaf Raza Gillani, Shah Mahmood Qureshi and Ahmad Mukhtar. The Punjab has been a traditional stronghold of the PPP since the days of former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, but now the PML-N of Nawaz Sharif has emerged as a majority party both in the National Assembly and the Punjab Assembly in the province. The main object of the PPP appointing a prime minister from the Punjab will be to counter the rising popularity of the PML-N which threatens to eliminate the party from the province. A prime minister from the Punjab can stem the PML-N onslaught and resurrect the PPP in the province, which is also important for being home to the establishment.
The PPP won a less number of parliament seats than expected in the recent election, because of the fact that it had failed to adopt a clear stance on the restoration of the judiciary and impeachment of the president. On the other hand, the PML-N of Nawaz Sharif bagged an unexpected number of seats for its explicit stand on the two issues. The PML-N stance has put the PPP in a dilemma – if it fails to restore the judiciary and impeach the president, it will become a target of criticism in the print and electronic media which has become more vocal and independent after suffering draconian Pemra laws after the declaration of a state of emergency on November 3, 2007.
There are all indications that the US and the establishment of Pakistan want to retain President Pervez Musharraf and maintain the status quo in the country. However, it will not be an easy job under the circumstances when the abuse of national resources for 60 years has created crisis after crisis in recent times. There have been shortages and crises of flour, sugar, edible oil, energy, cement and others in the recent past. If the government tackled one crisis, many others started and the situation will remain the same if the people of Pakistan are not granted their due rights. Challenges for the next government are very difficult, but public hopes on the government are very high that is why the PPP, which emerged as the largest party in the election, forced the PML-N, the second biggest party in the country, to join it in a coalition government in the Centre to share failures or success in the next setup despite the announcement of unconditional support to it by Nawaz Sharif.
It will be a test of the PPP to balance its relationship with the president, the PML-N and the people of Pakistan after coming to power. A rift in its own ranks after the announcement of a PM candidate will be another matter of concern for it. It will have to promote the culture of democracy and discussion in the party before taking every decision. However, the foremost step will be to release and restore the judges deposed by the president. Another important measure could be the abrogation of Pemra laws which place undue restrictions on the print and electronic media. The two institutions, if given a free hand, can pave the way for real democracy and human rights in the country. Here, a question arises whether the PPP can afford an independent judiciary and a free media. The answer of the question will determine the future of the party and the country. Muhammad Shafiq is a Lahore-based political analyst and commentator. schaphiq@gmail.com
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