Home >> South Asia >> Nepal & Bhutan

     Email   Print 

Myanmar’s return to democracy seems a far cry

Rajaram Panda, Ph.D. - 5/6/2010

The military junta in Myanmar has announced that it would hold general elections later this year. The National League for Democracy (NLD), Myanmar’s main opposition party, lost no time in announcing that it will not participate in the election process. The NLD suspects that the ruling military will rig the election process. The new election law issued by the junta on 17 March 2010 has barred pro-democracy Aung San Suu Kyi from joining a political party and thus running in upcoming elections.

The outside world would have rejoiced at the prospect of fair and free elections, which would have marked a milestone, a return to democracy in one of the world’s most brutal and long-lasting dictatorships. The NLD as well as other observers see the rules defined in the new election law as a pseudo-democratic exercise, which would offer little to the people craving for freedom and democracy. Instead, the junta’s plans are seen as perpetuating his military rule. The military has been ruling the country for more than fifty years and unlikely to give up power.

The Political Parties Registration Law, published in official newspapers in Myanmar, excludes anyone convicted by a court of law from participating in the elections. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate, who has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention, was convicted in August 2009 of violating the terms of her house arrest and was sentenced to a new term set to end in November. The sentence was seen as a way to keep Suu kyi locked up during the election campaign. The election law says that political parties have 60 days from the notification to register with an Election Committee, whose members are to be appointed by the junta.

By imposing such stringent regulations, the junta has again successfully defied the will of the people in Myanmar and the international community and thereby disregarded their call for transparent, free and fair elections that would have included all political parties. The new election law mandates that all parties must not include political prisoners and that they abide by the election laws. The parties are also required to participate in the election and failure to comply with the restrictions would lead to abolishment of the party.

The NLD finds itself in a difficult situation. Suu Kyi cannot be expelled. Other political prisoners facing unfair charges are unlikely to face the legal system, which is blatantly unfair. The NLD reasons that if credible democratic process is to be followed, their participation in the election process is necessary. Not surprisingly, therefore, the NLD rejects the regime’s, what it says, unilaterally drafted constitution, designed to legalise permanent military dictatorship. It alleges that the referendum to ratify the constitution was conducted in 2008 and approved by force and fraud. What the NLD, therefore, craves for is a constitution that guarantees democracy, human rights, justice, the rule of law and equality among all ethnic nationalities through an all-inclusive, genuine political dialogue.

In view of its stand, the NLD is bound to lose its legal status and without this, it cannot aspire to work for the people and restoration of democracy. The NLD was born out of the 1988 popular democracy uprising and the party won a landslide victory in the 1990 election. The party has been fighting for democracy in Myanmar for over two decades but has been unsuccessful. Under the new election regulations, the party would cease to exist and its identity as a pro-democracy fighter will be lost.

At least seven political groups are now preparing to register with the Election Commission. They are (a) National Union Party (NUP), formerly the Burmese Socialist Program Party; (b) Democratic Party (DPM); (c) Union of Myanmar National Political Force; (d) 88 General Students Union of Myanmar; (e) Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), backed by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC); (f) Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP); and (g) Chin League Party, which was derecognized in 1990 by the junta but is being revived now.

Of the seven groups, the DPM and the Chin League seem to be serious in political participation. The DPM is headed by veteran politician U Thu Wai and enjoys the cooperation of daughters of former leaders of the country. The DPM has party branches in Rangoon and Mandalay Divisions and can therefore operate within the law. The group of Chin politicians are coming together and trying to get together the Chin National League for Democracy (CNLD), Zomi National Congress (ZNC) and the Mara People’s Party (MPP). In 1990, the junta had banned these parties. Now they are trying to get their feet again.

Though some groups are registering parties, many existing opposition parties remain undecided. The decision of the Kachin, Chin and Karen nationals to take part in the election reflects that hopes for the country’s reconciliation process are not lost as yet. Their fear of being labeled as “unlawful organizations” may come true if the junta sees real threat in their emergence as new political forces. The SPDC can also use the instability card if it wants to postpone elections indefinitely. The outside world can do nothing if the junta decides not to have elections at the last moment if it smells slightest trouble to its regime.