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Burma turns hostile to Indian Separatist Groups

Nava Thakuria - 10/13/2011

The militant outfits from Northeast India, who are operating from the jungles of northern Burma (Myanmar), have a hard time ahead. As India and Burma have strengthen its strategic relationship, it is understood that Indian separatist groups would face more attacks in Burmese soil.

Moreover, it may go intensive in the next few weeks as the Burmese president Thein Sein is visiting India in October 2011. One of the active armed groups of India, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) has admitted that their camps in Burma are facing offensives from the Burmese soldiers. The news cannot be confirmed from the Burmese government at Nay Pie Taw, as it has little visibility in these remote areas which are in reality being ruled by the arms and drugs mafia for decades now. Of course, the version of ULFA leaders indicates that some kind of confrontations between the Burmese forces and Northeastern militant
groups may be going on there.

Even the unconfirmed media reports suggested that the Burmese authority maintained its offensive against the separatist militants for many weeks and the ULFA military chief Paresh Baruah received bullet injuries.
The Sagaing division of Burma is used for shelter by many militants including the ULFA, SS Khaplang (a Burmese) led National Socialist Council of Nagaland, Manipur People's Liberation Army, UNLF and Prepak. They have nearly 300 trained cadres in their hideouts inside the jungles of northern Burma.

A recent statement from the ULFA camp revealed that their hideouts inside Burma were attacked by the government forces, but it claimed that all of their cadres escaped unhurt. Later another statement from ULFA claimed that Paresh Baruah had not received any injuries in the offensive. To prove their claims, the statement added a photograph of the illusive ULFA leader. It is the second photograph of Paresh Baruah, which has been released by the militant outfit itself in the last few months. The Indian intelligence has reportedly no recent photographs of Paresh Baruah except some pix taken in Bhutan camps before December 2003. The email statement, issued by Paresh Baruah’s close associate Arunoday Dahotiya went on alleging that that the Indian central government in New Delhi had paid a huge amount of arms and money to the Burmese regime to go offensive against the ULFA militants.

Mentionable is that the Indian government had recently supplied 52 military trucks load of arms and ammunition to the Burmese government. India maintained its strategic and military relationship with the Burmese regime even after receiving brickbats from the international community. Expressing resentment at New Delhi's continued military relationship with Nay Pie Taw, hundreds of pro-democracy Burmese activists and various Indian civil society groups demonstrated in New Delhi on July 22, 2011 arguing that 'supplying arms to the most brutal military dictatorship may have grave consequences to millions of innocent lives'.

The demonstrators also sent a memorandum to Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh urging him to renew New Delhi's support the Burmese people's movement for restoration of peace and democracy in Burma.

Till the early nineties, Indian government supported the democratic movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. But later it changed the course and started engaging the then military regime named State Peace and
Development Council for various bi-lateral relationships. "We believe that India is a nation founded on sound democratic principles and time and again India has proven to uphold the principles of constitutionally elected governments. Further as a nation committed to playing an important, if not pivotal role in maintaining peace in the region, it is unbecoming of a responsible nation to supply arms to countries known for abusing military power," stated the memorandum, which was signed by nearly hundred Indian civil society groups and individuals with many Burmese organizations.

The ULFA, which was born in 1979 to make Assam independent out of India three decades back, today is a divided house, as its chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa with his followers have joined in the peace process with New Delhi. However, ULFA’s commander-in-chief Paresh Baruah continues sticking to the primary demand for a Swadhin Asom. The notorious leader is understood to leave Bangladesh recently and now
stay somewhere in Burma-China border areas, where from he and his followers are maintaining their so-called armed struggle.

Arunoday Dahotiya’s mail clearly claimed that New Delhi ‘paid a special economic package worth as high as Indian Rupees 20,000 crores to flush out the rebel camps’ from the Burmese soil. Additionally, the
Burmese government is offered (by Indian government) Rs 100 crore to kill Paresh Baruah’ within this September, added the statement. It had more to add that New Delhi maintained the practice (to pay
neighboring countries in need) since long back. The Indian government paid Rs 1000 crore package to Bhutan to destroy ULFA, following which Thimphu flushed out the ULFA camps inside south Bhutan in December
2003, Arunoday Dahotiya claimed. The Indian government had recently offered money to the Bangladesh government led by Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina with a request to take actions against the ULFA leaders and cadres taking shelter in that country. Accordingly, Dhaka handed over many militant leaders (including ULFA chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa to Indian authority. Though India and Bangladesh doesnot have an extradition treaty, the Bangladesh authority arrested the militant leaders and secretly handed over to India. No official statement was issued by the Bangladesh government on the matter and even the Bangladeshi newspapers had to depend on India’s media to report about the important issue.

Bad days ahead for ULFA hardliners

It’s almost official: bad days are ahead for Paresh Baruah, military chief of the banned United Liberation Front of Asom. Slowly losing ground in Bangladesh, he is also under attack by government forces in Myanmar. The elusive Barua, who had been hiding out in Dhaka for many years recently left and is said to be holed up somewhere on the Burma-China border. Given the increasing strategic relationship between Dhaka and New Delhi, he is finding it difficult to maintain activities in Bangladesh, where once he and his armed outfit enjoyed a free run with the help of other Ulfa political-wing leaders.

Recent media reports have once again revealed that the Ulfa in general and Barua in particular invested heavily in various Bangladeshi enterprises. The outfit’s general secretary, Anup Chetia (now in a Bangladesh jail), took the initiative to invest in some avenues in Bangladesh that would be beneficial for the outfit, which is fighting for a Swadhin Asom from outside India. Chetia is also said to have cultivated pro-Ulfa Bangladeshi politicians and even a section of the media in Dhaka.

A report prepared by Indian security and intelligence agencies with the help of Bangladesh’s National Security Intelligence, divulges that Baruah has investments in real estate, the health sector, textiles, shipping, power projects and restaurants – all worth $20 million and with, of course, fake identities. The report discloses that the Ulfa leader invested around $14 million in three Dhaka-based real estate firms – namely, Basundhara Real Estate (17 per cent stake), Eastern Housing Project (nine per cent stake) and Jamuna Group Housing Project (two per cent stake). His money is also said to be involved in Chowdhury Shipping ($2.5 million), Kasem Textiles ($1.7 million), Samrita Hospital ($200,000), and a Chinese restaurant, Wimfray ($100,000). It also said Barua annually receives nearly $500,000 through a money transfer agency for spending on various activities. News from Burma (Myanmar) says separatist militant outfits from the North-east are facing attacks from the Myanmarese army. With Myanmar President Thein Sein due to visit India next month, the attacks on Ulfa and other outfits in the jungles of northern Myanmar are expected to intensify. A recent statement from the Ulfa camp revealed that their hideouts inside Myanmar had been attacked by government forces but it claimed that all of their cadres escaped unhurt. Another Ulfa statement claimed that Barua had not sustained any bullet injuries in the offensive as was widely reported in the media.

Apart from Barua’s outfit, the NSCN (Khaplang), Manipur People’s Liberation Army, United National Liberation Front and Prepak have training camps in Myanmar’s Sagaing division, where nearly 300 are undergoing intensive arms and ammunition training. To prove its claims, the Ulfa statement added a photograph of Barua, the second of the notorious leader to be released in the last few months. The email statement, issued by close Barua associate Arunoday Dahotiya went on to allege that New Delhi had supplied a huge amount of arms and money to the Myanmar regime to go on the offensive against the militants.

It is worth mentioning that the Indian government recently supplied 52 military truckloads of arms and ammunition to the Myanmar government. India continues to maintain a strategic and military relationship with
that country’s regime despite the brickbats from the international community. Expressing resentment at New Delhi’s continued military relationship with Nay Pie Taw, Myanmar’s new capital, hundreds of pro-democracy Myanmarese and Indian activists demonstrated in New Delhi on 22 July 2011, arguing that “supplying arms to the most brutal military dictatorship may have grave consequences to millions of innocent lives”. Born in 1979 with the intent of rendering Assam independent of India, the Ulfa today is a divided house, with chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa and his followers having joined in the peace process with New Delhi.

But Barua continues to stick to the primary demand. Dahotiya’s email claimed that New Delhi paid a special economic package worth as much as Rs 20,000 crore to flush out the rebel camps from Myanmar, adding
that the Myanmar government had been offered Rs 100 crore “to kill Paresh at the earliest”. It also said that New Delhi had, for some time now, maintained the practice (of paying neighbouring countries in need) and paid a Rs 1,000-crore package to Bhutan to destroy Ulfa, following which Thimpu flushed out the outfit’s camps in December 2003. Dahotiya also claimed New Delhi had recently offered money to the Dhaka overnment led by Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina, with a request to take action against Ulfa leaders and cadres sheltering in that country.

Accordingly, Dhaka handed over many militant leaders. No official statement was issued by the Bangladesh government.