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Regional Cooperation and Integration of Western Balkan Countries into the EU and NATO

Igor Gjoreski, MA and Bilijana Avramoska-Gjoreska - 1/11/2012

At the end of 20th century the Balkan question once again became popular for U.S. and European diplomacy. Judging by the literature on this topic, it is clear that there is no generally accepted opinion about where and what are the Balkans. Depending on the context and the author, it is obvious that geographical borders in the Balkans are not generally accepted by all actors, that the Balkans should not vary more borders, including: historical boundaries (which change in different periods of time), the boundaries between religions, civilizations, peoples, alphabet, mentalities, ideologies, etc. The borders of the Balkans are usually connected to the territory that used to belong to the Ottoman Empire. Due to their changeability, the notion of the Balkans isn’t precise and should be met with caution.
With the breakup of the communism, again in the Balkans raise old mega states ideas and aspirations to change boundaries. Bearing in mind, many analysts and officials believe that one of the processes that will contribute to overcome those policies and will have a positive impact on resolution of the “Balkan Historical Node” is unconditional integration of all Balkans countries into Euro-Atlantic structures (EU and NATO).

Challenges, expectation and needs

Integration into Euro-Atlantic organizations is crucial for stabilization and development of the region, for the political metaphor of the Balkans which also changed historically and politically during the past. There isn’t permanency of nationalism and violence, although it is its primary contents. Balkan nationalisms were simultaneous with European ones at the time the creation of nations and nation-states was in keeping with modern ideas and were considered one of the human rights. The metaphor is in keeping with politics and historical context that changed, so that its contents can’t be regarded as constant.
On the one hand, EU and NATO have invested considerable resources in the region and further reaffirmed its commitment to expand. On the other hand, non-integration involves significant negative political, economic and psychological impact on affected countries, and currently there are and in the future excepted to have greater negative impact on European security.
Integration into Euro-Atlantic organizations is of crucial importance - for the region’s stabilization and development, but also for the Euro-Atlantic community. On the one hand, the EU and NATO have invested considerable resources into the region and keep reaffirming their respective commitments to enlargement. On the other hand, non-integration would entail significant negative political, economic and psychological implications for the countries concerned and a negative impact on European security.
In general, problem of ethnic intolerance, organized crime and widespread corruption, coupled with general underdevelopment and limited capacity, continue to hamper the reform processes in the Western Balkans, and for that dual integration is considered necessary in order to reduce perceived fears and security dilemma.
NATO has integrated all countries from the Western Balkans into its Partnership for Peace (PfP) Programme, and EU’s and NATO’s approach of setting benchmarks and conditional ties bilaterally.
The Euro-Atlantic integration process has positively influenced democratic developments in the Western Balkan countries and further reduced the risk of regression to authoritarian rule. At present, democratic governments are in power in all Western Balkan countries. However, this does not exclude the possibility of internal political tensions and disputes, in fact, such occurrences are not infrequent.
The Euro-Atlantic institutions have been playing a key role in bringing forward Security Sector Reform (SSR) in the region since the end of the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s. They have developed a number of tools to provide assistance to SSR: while NATO mainly engages in defence reform, the EU is active in reforming the justice and home affairs sector. Both EU and NATO maintain sizable peacekeeping contingents in the region.
The objectives of SSR is to achieve a wide-ranging transformation of the whole spectrum of security related agencies and actors and to coordinate their activities in the line with the principles of good governance and democratic civilian control.
The situation on the ground in the Balkans varies enormously from country to country. This means that there one-size-fits-all approach to SSR. Plans and benchmarks have to be tailored to fit the circumstances in each country, while maintaining coherent SSR operational guidelines.


Regional Cooperation and EU Enlargement

EU relations with WB states were strengthened at the summit meeting in Zagreb in 2000 but it was not until European Council meeting in Thessaloniki that the EU made a formal promise to the WB that the future EU membership was a possibility. For the WB it amounted to a significant breakthrough. By endorsing the so-called Thessaloniki agenda member states cleared the way for enhanced relations with WB. The Council’s Declaration set out extend of its commitments to the WB, highlighted that “The future of the Balkans is within European Union…Preparation for integration into European structures and ultimate membership into the EU, through adoption of European standards, is now the big challenge ahead. The speed of movement ahead lies in the hands of the countries of the region"
In November 2005 the European Commission produced Enlargement Strategy Paper setting out extend of its commitments to the WB which build upon those agreed at Thessaloniki 2003. It recognized that the journey towards membership has value in itself, even in cases where accession is many years away. This journey is often difficult, so it is essential for the EU to stay engaged throughout the process and committed to the outcome.
The EU’s Strategy for WB contained a number of key elements which flow through and dictate dealings with potential candidate countries. These key elements which flow through and dictate dealings with potential candidates are Regional Co-operation, Conditionality, and Tailored Country Strategies.
Additional to reinforce long term stability in the Western Balkans, NATO through regional cooperation initiatives is trying to integrate the region into Euro-Atlantic structures. The most active initiatives through achieved regional cooperation among the Western Balkans countries on the filed of defence are: PfP, EAPC, RACVIAK, Clearinghouse, SEDM, SEEBRIG, A5 and other. Despite this enhanced regional cooperation there is one dilemma “Will the regional approach of Western Balkans countries towards EU and NATO is actual? The answer has to be in the direction that NATO and EU can and should do more to promote regional cooperation in those countries. All actors know that the progress in regional cooperation can not be separated from broader political and security development. Regional cooperation can not evolve or play a significant role if the Western Balkan is characterized by prolonged violence and deterioration of interethnic relations.
A glance at the map which underlines just how small the Balkan States are, is sufficient to understand why fostering regional cooperation has been singled out as an essential feature of international involvement in the Balkans since Dayton Agreement.
The objectives of regional cooperation include countering nationalism, fostering good neighborly relations, increasing prosperity and development and on a more functional level- integrating fragmented transport system, enhancing security in the region and fighting organized crime, corruption and illegal trafficking.
In the longer term if the Balkans countries want to become EU members, they will need a far greater understanding between themselves in order to reap all the benefits of membership and to negotiate common positions and raise common concerns with other member states. In short terms too, regional cooperation via multilateral bodies and initiatives can allow the region to hang together even in the face of destabilization.
Regional cooperation in the western Balkans is:
• needed as a crucial ingredient of stability;
• a catalyst for reconciliation, good-neighborliness' and good political relations;
• about helping overcome nationalism and intolerance and promoting mutual understanding and political dialogue in the region.
In 2005 Enlargement Strategy Paper the Commission highlighted the importance of conditionality by stating that “Enlargement policy needs to demonstrate its power of transformation in the region where states are weak and societies divided. A convincing political perspective for eventual integration into the EU is crucial to keep their reforms on track. But it is equally clear that these countries can join only once they have met the criteria in full." .
To promote political dialogue, economic assistance and cooperation, strengthening of national and regional security, the European Union implemented programs as instruments for the long-term integration process, the Stabilization and Association process and The Stability Pact.
The centerpiece of the SAP is the conclusion of stabilization and association agreement (SAA), which represents a contractual relationship between the EU and each western Balkan country, entailing mutual rights and obligations.
The Stability Pact provides the framework for the adoption and implementation of concrete measures from the European Union, aiming at stability; political and economic prosperity in the Balkans. In case of the economic aspects the Stability Pact aimed to create an open economic market to expand the foreign investments and trade as well to expand the trade between the region and the EU.


Where are we now and where do we go from here

Compared to the 1990s, WB states have achieved real progress. The Balkans today is a different place. The application for full membership was sent from Zagreb to Brussels on February 21st 2003. Official candidate status Croatia get in Jun 18th 2004, when was agreed to start negotiation in March 2005. However they were delayed because of luck of cooperation with International Crime Tribune for Yugoslavia to the beginning of October the same year. Croatia signed the Accession Treaty to the EU, and fulfill membership will follow on 1st July 2013. In spite of the progresses registered, the European Parliament considered necessary for this state to continue its efforts of cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the reform in the judicial area and in the transition to the market economy. Moreover, in 2008, Slovenia blocked the opening of new negotiation chapters, because of a dispute on their common border.
Another Balkan state, which clearly evolves towards the European integration, is the Republic of Macedonia, which achieved the status of a candidate country in 2001. Previously, RM on 24th of November 2000 in the margins of the EU Summit in Zagreb, signed the Stabilization and Accession Agreement (SAA). Then, this state went through a period of relative stability and registered democratic and economic progresses. On the other hand, the relation with its neighbors is, in this case, an example of the way in which old disputes may delay the road of a state towards the EU. This time, we have in mind the name dispute between RM and Greece.
Albania began its accession process in 2003, being the first of the potential candidate countries to start the negotiations under the Stabilization and Accession Agreement. The Agreement was signed in 2006 and was completely ratified, after being signed by Greece, at the beginning of 2009, this event being the last step towards the official application of Albania for the EU membership. Nonetheless, in spite of the progresses registered in the alignment of the legislation and policies to the European standards, the fight against corruption and organized crime remain one of the main issues that this country has to cope with.
On the other hand, Serbia, faced difficulties in making progresses toward the European integration, as it signed the SAA in 2008, and its entry into force is conditioned by the Council’s appreciation that Serbia fully cooperates with ICTY. Nonetheless, the new government from Belgrade, established in 2008, has set as a key-objective to take Serbia in the European Union.
Will be Kosovo a condition for Serbia’s European integration? Everybody expected it and certainly would be a condition for Serbian’s European future. In the way to EU, Serbia will have to consolidate relations with Kosovo and achieving European standards. The president Tadic will not be able to enforce the laws in Kosovo, and its context Chancellor Angela Merkel during a last visit to Serbia and Croatia stated that Serbia should be addressed as Croatia.
Montenegro signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement in 2007 and applied for the full membership in December 2008. The EU Council invited the Commission to elaborate an opinion on this application, which was released in 2010. Nevertheless, Montenegro registered progresses in meeting the political admission criteria, but it still has to improve its administrative capacity.
In the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Stabilization and Association Agreement, the first step towards the EU, was signed in 2005, but this state continues to be highly ethnically divided, unstable from an economical and political point of view, without having developed, yet, its capacity of self-government. The constitutional elements established in the Dayton Peace Agreement and the reforms required by the EU haven’t known an optimal implementation because of the disagreements between the political leaders of the two entities composing this federal state - Bosnian-Croatian entity and the Serbian one. In conclusion, Bosnia-Herzegovina continues to have a long way to go towards its acceptance in the European community.
Kosovo is an integral part of the EU's Western Balkans strategy. The EU may have left the status issue to individual member states. But the EU as a whole is clear that the future of Kosovo is European. On the other hand, as far as Kosovo is concerned, even if it crosses a process of establishing the fundaments of a democratic state, EU continues to affirm its clear perspective to achieve the full membership of the organization. Moreover, EU continues to be the main security and stability provider in this area, through the missions developed under the European Defence and Security Policy (ESDP) and its Special Representative.
The EU is determined that the future of the whole region lies in eventual accession to the EU. We still face important challenges: good governance, rule of law and human rights. Together with local leaders, as well as civil society, EU has to strengthen our ability to explain what the EU means, today and tomorrow. Open bilateral issues, including border disputes, need to be solved by the parties concerned, in a good neighborly spirit and taking into account overall EU interests.
The possibility to in EU and NATO is a powerful driver of reform, economic prosperity and rule of law. It means participation in European’s decision-making process, freedom of import and export, freedom of movement and security guarantee. The rhythm of global change is that that nobody can afford stagnation and normal acting in Western Balkan countries. The commitment has to be real, not just rhetorical. The reason for this path is very clear: to be taken old trend of disintegration with the new dynamics of European integration.
In the past period several events, threaten to inhibit further progress in Western Balkans (especially those in Kosovo).
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled on Kosovo’s declaration of independence in July 2010, expressing its opinion that this move was not against international law; former Croatian prime minister, Ivo Sanader, was accused of corruption; the current prime minister of Kosovo, Hasim Thaci, was implicated in an illegal organ smuggling racket in a Council of Europe report, whilst Kosovo held its first elections since independence; Montenegro’s prime minister, Milo Djukanovic, resigned. The Government of Serbia officially approached the INTERPOL to seek assistance with two remaining war crimes suspects, Ratko Mladic (who was arrested this year) and Goran Hadzic.
As events of 2010 and 2011 indicate, changes in the region are starting to take place much faster than they used to the commitment and readiness of Croatia and Serbia to tackle corruption is a strong indicator that politics in both countries are finally maturing and are approaching something that we may expect in a stable, European democracy. For decades, corruption across the Balkans has been endemic, reaching the highest echelons of power. The sudden flurry of activity at tackling corruption the region has demonstrated that it is perfectly capable of working together to solve its main obstacles to EU integration. Cooperation between states has certainly improved, as has the political will to tackle corruption. This bodes well for 2011. Although the road to EU membership has been long and does not look like it will end any time soon, the prospect of candidacy has spurred on some real changes in the region in 2010, demonstrating that when the political elite is mature and understands the importance of change, huge leaps can be made in cooperation and improved relations in a relatively short time.
The case of Hasim Thaci will continue to mar regional politics until it is finally resolved, but if Kosovo demonstrates real commitment to the case and takes it as seriously as Croatia has the Sanader case, then the prospects are positive, demonstrating that Kosovo is well on its way to becoming a serious player in regional politics. Does this mean that something is changing in THE Balkans? Does it mean that Russia is going to abandon own traditional allies in Western Balkans (Serbia) or not?
Whilst Russia has always sought to be a player in the Balkans her interest in the region has increased significantly in 2007 and at the beginning of 2008. The desire of the various Balkan states to develop closer ties with the EU and NATO means that Russia sees itself as engaged in a struggle for influence with these two organizations in the region. But Russia’s importance as an energy supplier to Europe as a whole certainly goes some way towards counterbalancing any possible shift towards atlantism.
"Everyone knows that the Balkans & the Black Sea [region] has always been a sphere of our special interests…"Russia, with its increasing potentials, is back to this region … this is in the interest of Russia but also of our partners… "We’re back!" said Russian Prime minister Vladimir Putin in 2009.
While the Putin’s attitude, EU and high representatives Catherine Ashton strongly support the EU accession of the Western Balkans "The EU is with you until you are in the EU". In Catherine Ashton’s support for the Western Balkan countries joined the President of European Council Herman Van Rompuy who said that "Europe is the best guarantor of peace, and that is why I strongly support the European perspective of the Western Balkans, the last remainder of the cold war and the last place where war occurred. Europe must be a homeland of peace, we owe it to our history ". . EU Enlargement Commissioner Stefan Fuele highlighted that "The EU integration of Western Balkan countries is in the bloc's interest, as it would help strengthen regional stability ".


Summary

In circumstances when “Arab Spring” turned into a hot autumn, the view of EU and NATO diplomats will undoubtedly be directed towards the Mediterranean. But the EU has more urgent work to done in Western Balkan and much to gain if it done well. If you set high standards for others, also it has to meet the same. European Union and NATO with absence of those countries will not become important actors in the international arena. Hence the idea of Euro-Atlantic integration seems the only thing that connects Western Balkan and makes opportunity to develop democratic and to assimilate democratic principles. EU and NATO in the shortest period of time need to integrate Western Balkan in order to ensure their safety and to strengthen security in Europe.

NOTES

1. „Western Balkans: Еenhancing the European perspective“,(http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/enlargement/western_balkans/e50028_en.htm).

2. EU-Western Balkans Summit – Declaration, Thessaloniki, 21 June 2003, 10229/03.

3. Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council of 5 March 2008 - Western Balkans: enhancing the European perspective [COM(2008) 127 – Not published in the Official Journal].

4. „Регионалната соработка ви Југоисточна Европа, по пактот за стабилност“, www.analyticamk.org/files/ReportNo31Mak.pdf

5. Enlargement strategy 2005: roadmap for the Western Balkans, (http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/enlargement/ongoing_enlargement/e50021_en.htm).

6. “Ugovor o pristupanju RH u EU“,http://www.vlada.hr/hr/naslovnica/novosti_i_najave/2011/rujan/ugovor_o_pristupanju_rh_eu.

7. „Slovenija 'odblokirala' Hrvatsku“, http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,4215265,00.html.

8. http://www.sep.gov.mk/Default.aspx?ContentID=12.

9. „Како Ангела Меркел „доби корпа“ во Белград“,
http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,15341405,00.html.

10. Herman Van Rompuy - EU's Doors Open For Western Balkans, JANUARY 2011

11. www.guardian.co.uk

12. Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik “The Western Balkans in 2010 – small improvements, big scandals”

13. Ibid

14. „Russia: Moscow Turns Its Attention To The Balkans“,http://www.rferl.org/content/article/1077355.html

15. "The EU and the Western Balkans in a changing world" - Speech by EU HR Ashton, http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/article_9508_en.htm

16. “EU foreign ministers reaffirm European perspective of Western Balkans“, (http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/newsbriefs/2010/10/26/nb-01)

17. Fuele reaffirms Western Balkans' EU perspective (WAZ.EUobserver.com - 17/11/10; Klan, Ora News, Top News, Tvsh, Tanjug, Blic, Beta - 16/11/10).

18. „No more Brussels bluff“,http://www.economist.com/node/18774816.

SOURCES

1. „Western Balkans: Еenhancing the European perspective“,(http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/enlargement/western_balkans/e50028_en.htm).
2. EU-Western Balkans Summit – Declaration, Thessaloniki, 21 June 2003, 10229/03
3. Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council of 5 March 2008 - Western Balkans: enhancing the European perspective [COM(2008) 127 – Not published in the Official Journal].
4. „Регионалната соработка ви Југоисточна Европа, по пактот за стабилност“, www.analyticamk.org/files/ReportNo31Mak.pdf
5. Enlargement strategy 2005: roadmap for the Western Balkans, (http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/enlargement/ongoing_enlargement/e50021_en.htm).
6. “Ugovor o pristupanju RH u EU“, http://www.vlada.hr/hr/naslovnica/novosti_i_najave/2011/rujan/ugovor_o_pristupanju_rh_eu.
7. „Slovenija 'odblokirala' Hrvatsku“, http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,4215265,00.html.
8. http://www.sep.gov.mk/Default.aspx?ContentID=12.
9. „Како Ангела Меркел „доби корпа“ во Белград“, http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,15341405,00.html.
10. Herman Van Rompuy - EU's Doors Open For Western Balkans, JANUARY 2011.
11. www.guardian.co.uk.
12. Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik “The Western Balkans in 2010 – small improvements, big scandals”.
13. „Russia: Moscow Turns Its Attention To The Balkans“,http://www.rferl.org/content/article/1077355.html.
14. "The EU and the Western Balkans in a changing world" - Speech by EU HR Ashton, http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/article_9508_en.htm.
15. „EU foreign ministers reaffirm European perspective of Western Balkans“, (http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/newsbriefs/2010/10/26/nb-01).
16. Fuele reaffirms Western Balkans' EU perspective (WAZ.EUobserver.com - 17/11/10; Klan, Ora News, Top News, Tvsh, Tanjug, Blic, Beta - 16/11/10).
17. „No more Brussels bluff“,http://www.economist.com/node/18774816.